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This section discusses how the deeply ingrained hatred toward women in Western society manifests in daily practices and how women respond to it. A primary component of Greer’s argument is that both girls and boys are taught to hate women from a young age, and this hatred is a primary controlling factor in the oppression of women. Because girls learn to hate their own sex from such a young age, the hatred is internalized, and many women do not even realize that they hate their own sex: They often believe that they hate men and that hatred toward either sex is mutually exclusive.
Hatred manifests in dangerous ways: Women hate their bodies even when they are healthy and abuse other women through judgment and social relegation; men express their hatred and disgust through sanctioned forms of abuse. The natural culmination of such self-hatred is retaliation (actions aimed to inflict a retributive sense of justice) and rebellion (actions of calculated response that subvert systems of oppression). Because women are unaware of their self-hatred, they often subconsciously retaliate; however, movements of organized rebellion and feminism are developing. This section follows “Love” to illustrate the false dichotomy of love and hate, and Greer’s concepts of love and hate work in tandem rather than in opposition.
Women are taught to hate and feel disgusted by their bodies so that most cannot feel satisfied with their natural appearance. This lack of satisfaction leads not only to many illogical body modification practices (including depilation, extreme dieting, and cosmetic surgery) that appeal to the male perspective of beauty, but also to a subconscious feeling of profound psychosocial inadequacy. Men are taught to subconsciously hate and fear the natural body of a woman, and patriarchal structures uphold this cycle of disgust. Much of the violence proliferated against women, particularly cases of domestic violence, is the result of repression of hatred: It goes unacknowledged and builds to the point of physical manifestations enacted against the object of hate (the female body). There is much hatred directed at the vagina, to the point that women feel disgust toward their own sex organs and expressions of sexuality.
Abuse of women takes many forms in Western societies. In its most salient forms, such as rape and domestic violence, victims are often blamed, and too little emphasis is placed on sexist systems that facilitate such abuse. Less obvious forms of abuse are present in English linguistic constructions, especially insults that refer directly to the female body. For example, “cunt,” a pejorative word for the vagina, is one of the worst insults. Constant abuse, particularly in its sanctioned forms, causes many women to fall into stereotypical roles as responses to this hatred. The “angry housewife,” “dirty slut,” and “perfect virgin” stereotypes are some of the most prolific forms of this response to abuse. Women devolve into exhibiting these stereotypical lifestyles because they neither assess how their internalized hatred has manifested into self-abuse nor question the nature of sanctioned forms of abuse exercised by men or other women. If abuse of women remains sanctioned by society, women are left largely without the tools to process such abuse and are thus left to deal with the trauma alone.
Many women are miserable, even if they are unaware of their misery or the source of their misery. Many women who inhabit the acceptable female stereotypes become miserable not only because they cannot self-determine, but also because they are fulfilling patriarchal values. This misery goes without remedy because the primary solution would be to abolish the systems of oppression that force women into lives devoid of autonomy, and no one individual can reach such a solution in their lifetime. Greer uses the example of the overmedication of housewives that was especially common in the 1950s through the 1970s: Many unhappy housewives were prescribed sedatives to “cure” them of their malaise so that they could maintain the appearance of fulfilling their role as wife and mother without addressing the real sources of their displeasure.
Resentment is the natural response to a woman’s constant feelings of misery. Even if women are unaware of their internalized self-hatred and the external hatred of them, many build a sense of resentment within themselves as a response to living under sexist conditions. Both men and women feel this resentment: Men hate women for their weakness, and women hate themselves for their inability to change the system, leading both parties to act out. Men often interpret acts of retaliation made by women as confirmations of their inferiority because women have such little agency and social capital to leverage to retaliate. Their outlets for retaliation are often violations of social norms (for example, she might intentionally embarrass her partner at a social event). Such retaliation appears not as a significant response to an oppressive system, but rather as a manifestation of stereotypically feminine traits such as weakness, immaturity, or intellectual inferiority.
Rebellion is a necessary step toward women’s liberation and is a more refined form of retaliation. Greer outlines some of the most prominent feminist groups of the 1960s to illustrate manifestations of organized rebellion. These groups are essential in offering women the tools to change the systems that oppress them. These groups do not approach rebellion in the same ways, however, rendering the overall assessment of feminist arguments as incongruous. Although it is necessary for a rebellion that the initial manifestations be diverse, the perception of conflicting ideas can often weaken popular perception of feminist arguments. Greer argues that the contradiction between feminist groups shows the vitality of the movement because it illustrates that many people are considering how to respond to sexism independently. She acknowledges that while there is no one right way to rebel against sexism, it is essential that they refine their goals over time to progress toward equality.
This final chapter of The Female Eunuch discusses the concept of revolution, which Greer argues is the only way to liberate women from sexism. As a radical feminist, Greer does not see modifications of the current sociopolitical systems as a viable option for women’s liberation because sexism is a fundamental component of these systems. Neither men nor women are free under sexist systems, and Greer warns that as the ones with all the social agency, men “will seek to make this an argument why nobody should be free” because even if men are not free, they are still freer than women (371). To overcome sexism, women must not only overturn deeply ingrained social systems (such as monogamy, biological motherhood, female stereotypes, etc.), but also convince men that sexism is a form of oppression that affects them as well. Nobody can be free in a system designed to place one sex as superior to the other. There is no right way or clear path toward such revolution, however, and it will take immense time, effort, and sacrifice to create a future where both sexes are liberated from the constraints of the patriarchy. Greer concludes by claiming that “privileged” and “bitter women” will continue advocating for “reforms” and “rebellion” rather than revolution (371), and as such, she enacts a final call to action for radical, sexual liberation.
“Hate” primarily analyzes the ways women are taught to hate themselves and how this indoctrination manifests throughout their lives, illustrating the lack of self-love most women feel for themselves and their lack of love for other women. Greer utilizes the dichotomy created between the preceding “Love” section and “Hate” in a subversive notion that allows the reader to question whether love and hate (at least in terms of how society treats women) are different concepts. This is a central theme to her work, as she also aims to subvert the false dichotomies that polarize men against women.
In “Loathing and Disgust,” Greer’s complex psychological analysis of the dynamic created by sexism and expansion on her previous arguments illustrates another rejection of essentialist ideologies. Women may, as a collective group, harbor resentment toward men for perpetuating sexist systems, but neither sex is a homogenous group. For individuals, this heterogeneity renders real-life situations complex because an individual woman can love an individual man, yet she may also feel resentment toward his sex. This acknowledgement is an important component in Greer’s persuading readers to believe her radical ideals because it illustrates how sexism breeds a contradictory, essentialist outlook that serves neither group in question.
The discussion in “Abuse” follows this argumentation scheme by illustrating how hatred of women leads to so many forms of socially acceptable abuse. Greer’s choice of the term “abuse” is important because in an abusive situation, the abused person is a victim; therefore, she establishes the unequal power dynamic between men and women and claims that women are unilaterally the victims of abuse, never the abusers, because women never have the agency to truly abuse men. While men often perform abusive acts on women, men are not framed as the primary abuser in this situation; rather, society and the systems of oppression upheld in society are the true abusers of women because they allow both men and women to perform abusive acts against women without repercussion. Women also abuse other women, especially when they engage in practices that reify the forced capitulation to the stereotype, such as judging another woman’s number of sexual partners (a practice often called slut shaming), upholding beauty standards, or teaching girls to feel shame about their bodies.
The chapters “Misery” and “Resentment” illustrate the ramifications of leaving an abusive system unchecked. Misery is a central theme in Greer’s description of the female experience because most women are aware of their disadvantaged status, even if they are not aware of their internalized self-hatred. Greer’s focus on these negative emotions indicates not that a woman cannot be happy with her life, but rather that a person who cannot determine their own identity can never feel fulfilled or whole. Social stigma characterizes speaking out about feeling negative emotions as an undesirable mode of communication, especially for women who are expected to always be happy; therefore, Greer’s writing culminates in these moments that not only address problems that nobody wishes to acknowledge but does so in a way that deviates from normal expectations.
Greer separates the ideas of “Rebellion” and “Revolution” to illustrate that while acts of rebellion might be useful, revolution is a more precise action borne of the same emotions. Because Greer discusses formal feminist organizations in the “Rebellion” chapter rather than in “Revolution,” she critiques their methods and effectiveness. As a radical feminist, Greer views feminist groups that seek changes to existing institutions as destined to fail because liberation cannot be sought through the same channels that sanction the oppression of women. Because she does not dismiss these groups altogether, her stance expresses a plurality that is necessary in eliminating the polarized dichotomous relationship between men and women. The somewhat divisive rhetoric of these final two chapters is exemplary of Greer’s tendency toward making brash arguments.
Like much of the latter half of the book, “Revolution” offers speculation regarding what a future egalitarian society might look like. This final section acts partially to spur women into action, and Greer instills many hopeful elements in her discussion of what might be. A stark shift in tone has been building through the end of the “Hate” section to reach a pinnacle in “Revolution,” where the focus has shifted from negative feelings and how they manifest to (re)harnessing an energy and vigor in the movement toward women’s liberation.
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