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Maalouf introduces the theme of inter-Muslim political turmoil early in the text. Despite the book’s title, the historical figures appearing in the text are not only Arab, but also Armenian, Kurdish, and Turkish, and it is at times unclear if he means the Islamic world as a whole when he refers to “Arabs,” which are not synonymous. It is thus more appropriate to speak of fractures between Muslim rulers rather than within the Arab world alone.
Maalouf identifies this problem of internal conflict as the major reason for the Crusaders’ early successes. He contrasts Islamic territories with those of the Crusader states in his Epilogue, where he argues that Westerners effectively implemented early apparatuses of governments. He likewise contrasts this early turmoil with the effective unification policies of Zangī, Nūr al-Dīn, and Saladin. It was their ability to overcome petty conflicts and put the greater good of the Islamic world above their personal interests that facilitated their successful outcomes against the Franj. Though this problem persisted after Saladin’s death, the Mamluks were eventually able to expel the Franks and reclaim the Holy Land in the name of Islam.
This inter-Islamic quarreling appeared soon after the Sultan Kilij Arslan rebuffed the first wave of Crusaders at Xerigordon. He ignored new reports about Crusader reinforcements arriving to engage in an on-going conflict with his rival Danishmend the Wise rather than preparing his defenses. Arslan may not have lost part of his sultanate, Nicaea, had he heeded these warnings and engaged in stronger coalition-building. This inability to respond in a strategic and effective manner to Western aggression is juxtaposed with modern divides between the West and Muslim-majority countries. For example, Maalouf accuses the “Arab world” of an inability “to consider the Crusades a mere episode of the bygone past” (265). Maalouf’s characterization thus suggests that a similar lack of strategic thinking incapacitates the modern Arab world. The Crusades’ specter haunts contemporary Arab states, just as old feuds and ongoing quarrels paralyzed past rulers.
Strategic and intelligent rulers, beginning with Zangī, however, ended the stalemate that inter-Muslim political discontent spawned during the age of the Crusades. Maalouf elevates these men as models for emulation and admiration while also highlighting their flaws, to emphasize the important lessons the past provides. For example, Maalouf credits Zangī with beginning the jihād that Nūr al-Dīn and Saladin continued and expanded, asserting, “Before him, anxious Turkish generals would arrive in Syria accompanied by troops anxious to engage in plunder and depart with as much money and booty as possible […] All this changed with Zangī […] His entourage was made up not of courtesans and flatterers but of seasoned political advisors whom he learned to heed” (113-114).
When Zangī died, the familiar fractures reappeared, but his second son, Nūr al-Dīn emerged from the chaos to continue the jihad. He constructed a “propaganda apparatus” (143) to successfully rally fellow Muslims to the cause, but he was also plagued by internal fracturing when he reunited Syria and Egypt because his vassal, Saladin, operated almost independently when the relatively powerless Fatimid caliph named him vizier. This division threated what Nūr al-Dīn had built, but he died before putting his plan to intercede in Egypt into motion. Luck thus played an important role in Saladin’s rise. Old feuding surged upon Saladin’s death, too, but the Mongol threat forced the Mamluks to orchestrate a united response to this threat from the Central Asian steppe while also ending the Frankish occupation.
Later rulers thus overcame this inter-Muslim political conflict that plagued the Islamic world in the Crusades’ early years, though it always persisted just below the surface. This division explains the First Crusade’s success and the long war to expel the Franj, with Maalouf suggesting that the Crusaders’ victories were due just as much to these internal weaknesses within the Muslim world as they were to any military prowess of the Crusaders.
Maalouf’s Epilogue explicitly links the Crusades and contemporary global politics. Maalouf argues that the memory of the Crusades plagues the modern Islamic world, with him accusing Arabs of perpetuating a “sense of persecution” (265) that continues to fuel a mistrust of Western modernity. Maalouf suggests that the modern world has much to learn from Crusade history, though these lessons are largely left to be inferred through Maalouf’s subtle juxtapositions and assertions throughout the text.
Maalouf argues that the Crusades have cast a long shadow. He cites Pope John Paul II’s would-be Turkish assassin as an example, since he justified his attempt by calling the Pope the leader of the Crusades. He notes that divisions within the Palestinian Liberation Army are named for famous Muslim victories against the Crusaders and that “Israel is regarded as a new Crusader state” (265). Since the book’s publication, extremists like Osama bin Laden have claimed to raise Saladin’s sword against the West. President George W. Bush also referred to the war on terror, after the 9/11 attacks, as a “crusade.”
However, Maalouf’s Epilogue includes no mention of more recent history that played a significant role in these modern tensions, like 19th- and 20th-century imperialism in the Middle East and related events like the Nakba of 1948 or the Iranian Revolution in 1979. For example, Crusade historian Jonathan Riley-Smith in his book The Crusades, Christianity, and Islam argues that modern Islamic attitudes toward the Crusades grew out of a reaction to 19th-century European imperialism, not the medieval Crusades themselves. Other scholars, such as Carine Bourget, have argued that Maalouf makes too many generalizations about Arab feelings and motivations while ignoring other relevant political factors. There is thus no denying that the Crusades play an important role in modern Islamic opposition to Western influence, but the debate centers on when they came to play a significant role in memory and resistance.
Simultaneously, Maalouf works to show modern Western readers that the Muslim world has a rich history—Arab historians indeed recorded it—and that Islamic rulers were often more merciful in comparison to their European counterparts. This is most notable in his juxtaposition of Saladin’s mercy towards his Frankish captives with Richard I’s brutality. In emphasizing the capabilities of rulers like Saladin, Maalouf presents the Arab world as featuring some strong and cultured leaders who were not driven by religious fanaticism like the Crusaders, and who instead represented an alternative path. Maalouf thus tries to present the Arab world as more nuanced than popular stereotypes suggest, while also offering the Arab perspective on the Crusades to correct the Eurocentric view dominant in the scholarship of the day.
Maalouf shows that the Crusades were a multi-ethnic religious conflict. Arab historians frame them as wars of Western aggression, while acknowledging the religious dimension for Muslims who were obliged to flee lands governed by non-Muslims and who engaged in lesser military jihād, or a holy struggle against those who attacked the faith.
Maalouf does not engage with extant scholarship in defining Crusading. There are several schools of thought that define Crusades differently. Generalists, for example, deem any Christian holy war a Crusade while traditionalists view Crusading as the intersection of religious and military efforts directed specifically at Jerusalem. Maalouf aligns with this second camp because he centers the Crusaders’ focus on Jerusalem. During various negotiations, for example, they refused any terms that did not deliver the Holy City to them.
Maalouf’s Arab historians also note the Crusaders’ religious zeal. Many of the men who went on the First Crusade were affected by the spirit of the Cluniac reform movement that sought to spread monastic values to the laity. Their motives for Crusading were genuinely religious, with the Papacy framing Crusading as a form of “pilgrimage” and a holy war. Historians did not apply the word “Crusade” to these wars until the 16th century. Crusaders who died were granted indulgences (forgiveness for sins), thus promising those who took up the cause immediate admission to Paradise in the afterlife. They sewed crosses to their clothing, and military-monastic orders like the Templars and Hospitallers arose under the pretext of protecting pilgrims while engaging in their own battles with Muslim forces. Their religious motivations also justified the violence that Crusaders perpetuated against Muslims, Jews, and other non-Catholic Christians. Medieval theologian Anselm of Lucca for instance, argued that Christian violence, when used for altruistic purposes, was an act of love.
However, Maalouf’s title interrogates the notion of the Crusades as purely religious because he deliberately chooses to center ethnicity. These wars were religiously motivated for the Franks, and they indeed encouraged a responsive Islamic jihād, but they were also linked to regional conflicts. Muslims of varying ethnicities made alliances with the Franj when they wanted to retaliate against their competitors. For instance, the Damascene ruler, Rīdwan of Aleppo, willingly became a Frankish vassal because it would protect his position. Likewise, the vizier of Fatimid Egypt, Shāwar, made an alliance with the Frankish ruler of Jerusalem, Amalric, to maintain power against Nūr al-Dīn.
The Franks were willing to enter these alliances, too, such as Alix of Antioch approaching Zengī for assistance in fighting her father, King Baldwin II of Jerusalem, so that she could maintain independence over Antioch after her husband died. Thus, for Maalouf, the Crusades were religious wars that intersected with local or regional disputes between a divided and multi-ethnic Muslim population.
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