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56 pages 1 hour read

Lives On The Boundary

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1989

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Chapter 7-AfterwordChapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 7 Summary: “The Politics of Remediation”

Rose shares the stories of the students who come to the UCLA Tutorial Center for help. Although they seem much different than the El Monte or Veteran’s Program students on the outside, they are no less affected “by background and social circumstance” (177). The center is part of what the educational system calls an Educational Opportunity Program, or an EOP, designed to provide additional support for at-risk or marginalized student populations. Rose soon realizes that the “remedial” students at UCLA have a much different pedigree than the students he has taught before; they are “the kids who held class offices and saw their names on the honor roll; they went out for sport and were involved in drama and music and a variety of civic and religious clubs” (172). These are students who had never been on the educational boundary before, and their reactions to finding themselves in Rose’s tutoring center range from depression to denial to anger.

Rose’s new job is mostly administrative—it falls to him to manage the daily affairs of the center while improving its tutoring strategies. Suddenly, Rose has to shift from thinking like a teacher to thinking like a “policy-maker, considering the balance sheet of economics and accountability” (186). He works alongside Chip Anderson, the man who hired him for the job, to advocate for the Tutorial Center within the university’s bureaucratic structure. Additionally, Rose takes over the UCLA Freshman Summer Program, a six-week intensive writing course, and the Writing Research Project, an academic study analyzing how UCLA teachers teach writing. These programs find that UCLA’s remedial students are perfectly literate by most standards but lack critical literacy skills; in other words, they have good reading comprehension but struggle when “taking someone else’s argument part, systematically inspecting a document, an issue, or an event synthesizing different points of view, applying a theory to disparate phenomena, and so on” (188). Rose’s students have a linguistic problem; they have not been taught how to enter the academic dialogue, apply knowledge creatively, or write in academic style. The university asks these students to use “a new language” and are penalized “when they cannot do so” (191). Rose reinforces this idea by sharing stories like Lucia’s, who is a single mother and psychology major at UCLA. She ends up in the tutoring center because she struggles to understand her course readings. What Rose soon learns, however, is that Lucia’s reading skills are great—she just has not been taught how to engage with academic writing.

The second half of the chapter focuses on how universities create a class structure that separates remedial learners and programs from the rest of the educational system. Rose explains that tenured professors rarely teach remedial courses; that job falls to graduate students or programs like his. But that divide means EOP services, like the students they serve, exist on the margins of the academic community (198). Because they provide a service, they play second-fiddle to other university programs that focus on generating research (198). The irony is that universities need to enroll large numbers of students to support themselves financially, which means recruiting from populations that traditionally do not go to college: “working-class whites, blacks, and Hispanics, single parents, [and] older folks” (201). But professors need to focus on research, not teaching, since it is the former that will help them get tenure. Thus, it falls on “tutorial centers and preparatory programs” to support these at-risk students, even though the same programs are “conceived of as marginal to the intellectual community” (195). Rose argues that universities—which are supposed to be the paragons of liberal education—are just as guilty of perpetuating educational boundaries that marginalize and exclude certain students.

Chapter 8 Summary: “Crossing Boundaries”

Rose’s final chapter focuses on the ways in which society misunderstands struggle as intellectual deficiency, and he pushes for educational reforms that embrace struggling students, instead of pushing them to the margins. Rose starts by challenging the idea of remediation in its most basic form. He explains that “remedial” used to be a medical term, and that it was appropriated by the educational system to label students with serious mental disabilities. But that also brought a medical lens to education, and works like William S. Gray’s Remedial Cases in Reading: Their Diagnosis and Treatment further categorized learning issues as a sort of illness. Now the “remedial paradigm was beginning to include those who had “troubles as varied as bad eyes, second language interference, and shyness” (209). The struggle-as-illness metaphor continues into the 1930s and 1940s, where remedial sections were referred to as “sick sections” or “hospital sections” (210). While Rose concedes that the American educational system has come a long way since the early 1900s, he explains that the medical model of diagnosing students through testing continues today. The result are remediation programs where students are put “in scholastic quarantine until their disease can be diagnosed and remedied” (210).

Rose uses examples from a Bay Area literacy program to argue against using testing to gauge a student’s ability and/or determine their potential for success. The students in Rose’s classes here more closely resemble those from the Veteran’s Program; students range in age from 19 to their early sixties, have lived in poverty their whole lives, and have a host of medical complications that make their lives more difficult. It comes as no surprise, then, when these students’ literacy test scores come back incredibly low. After all, these are students who were left behind by the educational system long ago. And yet, just like the veterans, Rose’s new students also “remain hopeful, [and] have somehow held onto a deep faith in education” (215). Yet again, test scores do not reflect reality. Most of Rose’s students are literate enough to read the newspaper and pay their bills; they just do not have the training to tackle standardized tests.

If this repeatedly holds true, Rose asks, why does America insist on benchmarking students by their test scores? Rose believes the answer lies in America’s own view of itself. He argues that “we seek a certification of our national intelligence, indeed, our national virtue, in how diligently our children can display [a] central corpus of information” (233). What Rose means is this: metrics allow the country to prove its progress, to show that the American Dream continues to improve the lives of each subsequent generation.

Rose believes America’s obsession with quantification is the very thing that “blind[s] us to cognitive and linguistic possibility” (222). People focus so strongly on the deficiencies that they become blind to evidence that shows different, but no less important, ability. Rose then provides a series of examples from students whose test scores label them remedial. They are kind, hardworking, and passionate—all things that no standardized text could possibly reveal. Consequently, Rose calls for a fundamental shift in how education thinks about and treats so-called vocational learners. He argues that this new paradigm must “consider the social context in which [literacy] occurs—the political, economic, and cultural forces that encourage or inhibit it” (237). Only then can educational systems be adjusted to “honor the beliefs and stories, enthusiasm, and apprehensions that students reveal” (236). In other words, Rose believes education must shift to consider each student as an individual and address their needs both inside and outside the classroom. By doing so, education will move closer to true egalitarianisms where all students—regardless of their personal struggles, social status, or race—will be welcomed “across the boundaries” (238).

Epilogue Summary: “Lilia”

Rose’s Epilogue opens with a personal anecdote about his student, Lilia. Lilia immigrated to the United States from Mexico when she was 4. She failed first grade, was labeled remedial, and spent her elementary school years in “‘classes for slow learners’” (239). When her family realizes that she cannot read or write, they move to a new city with better schools. There, Lilia gets the help she needs. She eventually attends UCLA, and she participates in a program that sends former vocational students to local elementary schools to teach literacy in remedial classrooms.

Both Lilia and Rose grow up in South Los Angeles, and Lilia asks Rose if he has visited recently. He tells her he has and says, “‘It’s worse now […] much worse. No one comes. No one goes’” (240). But Rose’s relationship to his South Vermont neighborhood has also changed. When he first leaves Loyola, South Vermont haunts him. Rose tries to outrun his past, first to graduate school, then as a teacher. But now, Rose understands he owes his current career to South Vermont. He tells readers, “But, strange blessing, we can never really free ourselves from the mood of early neighborhoods, from our first stories, from the original tales of hope and despair” (240). Here, Rose acknowledges how his past has transformed into a valuable gift: the gift of knowledge. He offers Lilia as an example of this. She thinks poorly of herself until she changes school districts, where she is “transformed from dumb to normal” (241). That one shift shapes her whole life and allows her to embrace the opportunities offered by education, and now she can return to help others cross the boundary. Rose concludes by asking readers to question their preconceived notions about remedial students and embrace “hope, everyday heroics, [and] the power of the common play of the human mind” (242).

Afterword Summary

The Afterword for Lives on the Boundary, which Rose writes in 2005, postdates the original text, which was published in 1989. There are two major purposes to Rose’s Afterword: first, it answers some of the frequently asked questions he has received, and it comments on how education has (and has not) changed since the book’s first publication. Rose begins by commenting on why he chose to blend anecdotes, or stories, with academic analysis. He explains that memory is a powerful tool, and while it can distort some things, it is also “infused with feeling” and “central to our maintenance of our sense of who we are, our identity” (244). Rose’s writing technique infuses his book with pathos and allows readers to connect with Rose’s story and the stories of some of his students.

Rose also addresses how America’s educational policy has become more invested in standards and assessments in the previous decade, not less. The country has become obsessed with “economic readiness,” but Rose argues that focusing on the economic outcomes of education “restricts our vision of what school ought to be about […] for both individuals and for a democratic society” (245, 246). This new educational perspective emphasizes preparedness to the detriment of all students, although the consequences for low-income learners are particularly dire. The competitive nature of education means that the typical “admitted student comes in with eighteen honors” and “an astounding grade point average of 4.25” (249). These students have access to special services that low-income and remedial students do not, which widens the education gap. Shrinking education budgets, rising costs of education, competitiveness, and the rising bar for collegiate admissions have become a “perfect storm of bad conditions” for working-class students (252). Consequently, Rose worries that educational access has become more unequal than ever. Thus, he calls once again for educational reform built on a holistic view of each student and a “commitment to equal educational opportunity” (254).

Chapter 7-Afterword Analysis

While Rose continues to combine storytelling with argument and analysis, the concluding sections of Lives on the Boundary lean more academic than the rest of the book in order to do two important things. First, Rose criticizes higher education for reinforcing, rather than challenging, the educational gap between remedial students and their “normal” peers. University administrations recruit remedial students for economic reasons, even as faculty refuse to teach remediation courses to bring these learners up to speed. As a result, universities create EOP programs to fill in gaps, but because these are service-based rather than research-based departments, they are treated like a necessary evil. What emerges is a tiered class system where the middle- and upper-class students with stronger educational backgrounds have more value than their remediated peers. Rose finds this particularly egregious, especially given universities’ self-proclaimed status as bastions of education. If anything, Rose argues universities should be leaders when it comes to vocational learners; if they truly believe in the power of a liberal education, they should strive for equality. Instead, Rose exposes the ways in which universities just reiterate the same boundaries he finds in primary and secondary education.

Second, he takes aim at how standardized testing has removed the human element from education, which unfairly targets remedial students. To do this, Rose shows how education has become more quantitative than qualitative through a “scientific-atomistic approach” (209). The problem with this, however, is that science contains innate biases that, because they are cloaked in data, are difficult to confront. Students who struggle become a problem that needs solved, a disease that needs cured. They are culled from the crowd because they are different, but instead of trying to lift these students up, the label becomes an excuse for leaving them to languish. Rose relies on storytelling to reveal these dangerous biases, and he shares stories of his students who fail on paper, but are otherwise intelligent and capable. They are not lost causes or intellectual lepers; they are victims of their socioeconomic status, and writing them off based on a test score denies both their “naturally occurring competence” and their humanity (216). Consequently, Rose believes that America must fundamentally shift the way it thinks about education from a quantitative, test-driven model to a holistic one. That is to say, Rose argues that curricula need to take into consideration each students’ individual needs and account for outside forces like economics, politics, and culture.

Throughout Lives on the Boundary, Rose has taken a cautiously optimistic tone about educational reform. While he pulls no punches when it comes to exposing the failures of the American educational system, he is careful to recognize the enormity of the project. In the book’s first chapter, Rose shows how much progress the system has made and says that the United States leads the world in high school graduation rates. But in the Afterword, Rose’s tone is much bleaker. His hope for end-over-end improvement has been quashed by programs like “No Child Left Behind” and the increasing economization of education. In other words, knowledge has become “a token to be redeemed for advancement,” not a way to empower the disenfranchised (251). More than ever before, Rose believes education is for the “haves,” not the “have nots,” and he goes so far as to argue this threatens the very foundations of American society. By erecting more social and economic barriers, America has moved toward becoming “‘a European-style class-based society’” by “diminishing […] the commonwealth and common purpose” (249, 253). Rose believes, even more strongly than before, that America must shift to a new model of education, one that equalizes access regardless of socioeconomic status and emphasizes learning over metrics. Only then, Rose says, can America fully realize its “vision of both a knowledgeable and a good society” (254).

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